conclusion
In average five-year old child in Estonia showed comparatively stronger early self-regulation and social-emotional skills than their counterparts in England and the United States. At the same time, children in Estonia were at or close to the overall averages for emergent literacy and numeracy skills. Children in Estonia scored significantly higher than children in England and the United States in emotion identification and prosocial behaviour. They also scored significantly higher than children in the United States in emergent literacy, numeracy, working memory and mental flexibility, and significantly higher than children in England on inhibition. However, children in Estonia scored significantly lower than children in the United States and England in non-disruptive behaviour and lower than children in England in emergent numeracy.
IELS data showed that children’s early learning relies on the interrelated development of cognitive and social-emotional skills. While the percentage of explained variance by the socio-economic status index showed variation across countries, the predictive value of social-emotional skills was relatively stable. In Estonia, children’s social-emotional scores accounted for between 5% and 27% of their emergent literacy scores (compared to 13-33% in England and the United States), between 6% and 26% of their numeracy scores (compared to 12-28% in England and 7-22% in the United States), and between 4% and 11% of their working memory scores (compared to 7-18% in England and 5-22% in the United States), after controlling for socio-economic status. IELS data suggest that cognitive skills are a necessary but not sufficient condition to foster early social-emotional learning. For example, children need a minimum level of literacy skills to be able to adequately navigate socially; have rich interactions with peers, friends, and parents; and ultimately, to open the door to social-emotional learning. However, having high levels of literacy does not always ensure having high social-emotional skills, and vice versa.
Conclusion 1: Five-year-olds in Estonia demonstrated balanced strengths across cognitive, self-regulation and social-emotional skills.
The combination of household income, parental occupation and parental educational completion – which together create the socio-economic index applied in this study – were associated with higher literacy, numeracy, working memory, mental flexibility emotion identification, prosocial behaviour and trust. However, relationships between early learning skills and socio-economic background were comparatively smaller in Estonia than in England or the United States. Additionally, the association between socio-economic background and early learning skills was not significant in inhibition, emotion attribution and disruptive behaviour. These results are consistent with findings from PISA .
In Estonia, 53% of mothers of five-year-old children had completed tertiary educationn (i.e. bachelor’s degree or master’s degree, professional degree or doctorate), which is higher than in the other two countries participating in the study (40% in England and 39% in the United States). Children whose mothers had completed tertiary education in Estonia had better cognitive and social-emotional outcomes than those whose mothers had not. A higher proportion of parents in Estonia were described as being strongly or moderately involved in their children’s education than in England or the United States.
Conclusion 2: At age five, gaps in scores for cognitive and social-emotional domains between children from low and high socio-economic backgrounds were already present in Estonia, but were comparatively smaller than in England and the United States.
The combination of household income, parental occupation and parental educational completion – which together create the socio-economic index applied in this study – were associated with higher literacy, numeracy, working memory, mental flexibility emotion identification, prosocial behaviour and trust. However, relationships between early learning skills and socio-economic background were comparatively smaller in Estonia than in England or the United States. Additionally, the association between socio-economic background and early learning skills was not significant in inhibition, emotion attribution and disruptive behaviour. These results are consistent with findings from PISA .
In Estonia, 53% of mothers of five-year-old children had completed tertiary educationn (i.e. bachelor’s degree or master’s degree, professional degree or doctorate), which is higher than in the other two countries participating in the study (40% in England and 39% in the United States). Children whose mothers had completed tertiary education in Estonia had better cognitive and social-emotional outcomes than those whose mothers had not. A higher proportion of parents in Estonia were described as being strongly or moderately involved in their children’s education than in England or the United States.
Conclusion 2: At age five, gaps in scores for cognitive and social-emotional domains between children from low and high socio-economic backgrounds were already present in Estonia, but were comparatively smaller than in England and the United States.

